



S1: uh another, handout is a replacement page for the last page of the syllabus, because, um you need this one too? uh because i have no less than three different dates listed for the due date for your u- if you're opting to do the web version of your project um propo- not your proposal but your project presentation. so, between that and a- also leaving out one short reading on the last week that i, forgot to put in, um and then i wanted to give you on the back some suggestions for additional reading may or may not help you in your um, research projects because i ex- expect your research projects to be quite artifact specific you may not, find stuff in necessarily in the readings, on your artifacts but, if you want more information about um, some classic works in historical archaeology or or particularly some recent work um and what the state of the field is. uh there're some good suggestions there for, library reading. uh the third, any questions on the syllabus? so take the syllabus, rip off the last page and replace it with this one. okay? the corrected version. there are three handouts if you need them i have them up here. the, third one you're probably most concerned with at the moment and these are guidelines for your project proposals which are due a week from Wednesday. so they are due May thirtieth. it_ i tried to make it pretty clear what i expect uh basically i expect a one page uh, outline just tell me what topic you settled on what kind of artifact uh what basic questions you're interested in, uh and what methodologies you're gonna use. and based on that i might be able t- to um give you some suggestions for reading or resources. okay? i expect that some of your research questions or methodologies may change as you start to, work on it. that's okay, but i want you at this stage to start thinking about it because the end of the term will c- come before you know it we're almost at the halfway point already. okay? um and i do want you to settle on your, your artifact of choice, that much you should get decided by next week. any questions on this? i don't think i need to read it verbatim. <P :04> okay, um <P :07> let me do a really quick, uh attendance. make sure i really do have all your names down. it's just a couple people and hopefully it won't be clear who those who i'm still a little hazy on. but, (Latoya's) not here right? (alright.) (Taneesha) (xx,) Dorothy, (xx,) Ashley i saw you, Matthew i saw you, (xx) David, (xx) Elizabeth i saw you (xx) uh, did you notice the article? did you w- did you author this article the one that got passed around?
S2: i'm sorry (xx) 
S1: look at the article look at the author's name.
S2: oh 
S1: you're famous and you didn't know it (huh.) um, Jamie is here, Krista (i saw you,) you're right there that's why i saw you. um (Hugh,) (Hugh's) not here? Courtney? she had some great comments, she's not here though (huh?) Monica i saw you didn't i? Raoul, there, and Stephanie. Kelly? Kelly is is not here right? Michelle, i saw you. Emily, Sarah, (Shivane,) Keith, (xx,) Jennifer, Carrie, Jeff is Jeff here? and Rachel, Mandy, Mandy? and Tiffany i saw you (xx.) alright. <P :11> the reading commentaries that you guys have been emailing um, are really good so i'm optimistic that we'll have more lively, discussion today um and thank you the the leaders taking the the initiative of uh, putting questions in front of people ahead of time. uh i think that's also a great idea. um on reading commentaries just a reminder um, most of them did this but just in case, yours didn't, be sure in your reading commentaries that you're making a reference to, the readings that you did themselves. i mean it's, wonderful to bring in uh outside experiences and knowledges and knowledge but_ knowledges, make that a plural. um but, be sure that uh, p- you know part of the purpose of the reading commentaries is to demonstrate that you have done the readings. so, make sure you kind of relate them back to the readings okay? um, (and) Mandy and Latoya there's some handouts you wanna get right? and, what else do i have for announcements? um, after break i'll pass out a sign-up sheet for Greenfield Village would you please remind me if i don't start doing that right at the beginning. uh i'm still not entirely certain we have a final head-count i need to get that to get the funding together. um, i think that's it for announcements. heavy day of announcements. [S3: (i need this one.) ] someone is, hoarding extra final pages of the syllabus someplace. <P :09> no i'm hoarding them. there's three handouts for those who came in late. just come up and get them while i start talking.
S3: hey Shannon, um, you said that the trip to Greenfield Village is worth two commentaries right? so does that mean that we're only required to, send in four or do we just have extra (xx) (grade?)
S1: no you- you're only required to do four. [SU-F: (xx) ] everyone hear that? if you're doing Greenfield Village it's worth two reading commentaries, which doesn't mean that you're getting extra credit i don't do extra credit but it's replacing two, so you only have to do a total of four. (okay.)
S4: are we writing up something or just (kind of)
S1: um, i i thought about that uh i think <P :06> i i think you're grown-ups i think if we can integrate it into the discussion, in the the following meeting that we have and and have a a you know, devote some time to really discussing our experiences there, i think that's satisfactory so i would, suggest taking notes as you go along so you can remember um, what kind of questions or issues the exhibits bring up for you. okay...? alright um today for_ yep you have another
S5: just a quick question about the commentaries um, [S1: uhuh ] how are we gonna get feedback to just know if we're on the, right, track in what we're talking about (xx?) basically (xx) 
S1: oh um, yeah i'm not i don't give them grades it's like, you did it or you didn't. unless you know it'd be kind of like zero if you didn't. uh plus which is what most people got and and then you might get a a check, you know meaning it's okay but you really didn't show that you did the reading. and you know, so far there's only been one of those and i'll get back to that person. otherwise if you don't hear back from me, just assume everything's fine. okay? you know and i like_ a lot of them are are creative they're they're, written quickly that's the whole idea of the commentaries they're not supposed to be finished polished writing. it's supposed to be, your thoughts spilling out on the page about the reading. okay? which is why i don't think it should be graded they should just be your thoughts and i'm not here to evaluate whether or not you're thinking is, A thinking or B thinking you should you know this should be, feedback for you and (feedback for the class.) okay? alright any other questions or announcements? news? okay. um, in terms of lecture, uh, i have two discrete things i wanna do today and i hope hopefully i can get through it. i think i can. uh, number one is to_ if you if you're following the syllabus we're kind of behind on one kind of discussion slash lecture to- lecture topic which was to talk about eighteenth century life particularly urban life. cuz part of what we're doing in the class is, looking at you know theoretical methodo- methodological issues about artifact analysis material cultures and looking at generally the development of the subfield of historical archaeology. but we're also doing this going historically and trying to understand what's going on in American material culture through the centuries and what kind of transformations are occurring leading up to our quote unquote modern era right? um, and this kind of goes along with the the Cliffs Notes version of U-S history. which hopefully most of you don't need it's just a little bit of an overview to kind of, to put our material culture studies in some sort of historical chronological context. so what i wanna do is to kind of pick up where Deetz left off, uh with the late eighteenth century the period of the revolution. in the um, mid-eighteenth century, colonial towns started to really st- started to be transformed into cities. uh and this was in part because of a population increase that was happening um, across the nation, and in part because of economics and certain changes that were uh occurring in the colonial economy. and it is a process_ this urbanization process uh that led to the American Industrial Revolution. as well as significant changes in everyday life and material life. you n- need to remember that before the revolution only five percent, of the uh American colonial population or North American colonial population to be, the United States in the future. only five percent of the population lived in cities. the vast majority of the country uh, lived in rural settings. and possibly villages or hamlets. but this would change rapidly uh over the next s- several decades about uh seventeen-sixties forward. so and you see a a number of trends beginning in the seventeen-sixties in cities such as Boston uh New Orleans Philadelphia Charleston New York, uh these were uh cities or these were towns that really became cities in this late colonial period. you see number one population growth, two uh an increase in ethnic diversity, three, increased importance, of these cities uh to regional trade and regional government. there's a kinda s- uh, centralization going on, of economic powers whereas_ well as political power. number four, you see in these cities the creation for the first time really, of an urban elite. and this urban elite uh, started to, purchase food and clothing, not only from abroad, but also started purchas- purchasing it from other colonists. and this leads to, a whole new wave of domestic manufacturers. which Deetz does begin to talk about but uh in his earlier period in that Americanization period, this really had to do with um development of regional folk cultures. well in this later period it really starts to uh conform to elite urban tastes and to really supply this kind of cosmopolitan culture that's developing. number five, you see a r- you see rising levels of consumption for all classes <P :04> a- and this means kind of two things, it means when you talk about consumption it means people are buying more of their goods rather than making it themselves or or bartering, with neighbors. so you're using a cash economy to purchase goods made elsewhere usually. and it just means simply an increase in the amount of goods, that are going into their everyday lives. <P :06> but, overall despite this kind of emergence of an urban elite and rising levels of consumption for everyone at the same time, you're also getting number six, an increase in the stratification of classes. you know what i mean by stratification? [SU-F: mhm ] no? [SU-M: (xx) ] you wanna
SU-F: (well) just like the rich get richer and the poor get poorer (xx) [S1: yeah. yeah ] (xx) 
S1: right. greater differences between d- different socioeconomic classes. the poor are poorer the rich are richer, the middle might be more middle. a larger gulf, with more significant differences. okay? any questions on these kind of urbanization trends in this late colonial period? and this was really starting in the seventeen-sixties and continues into the early nineteenth century, uh you know until you really get the identifiable beginnings of the American Industrial Revolution its st- it's kind of the precursor, social eco- and economic conditions that are gonna lead to, an American version of the Industrial Revolution. by the way where does classically what where do historians talk about the Industrial Revolution um, beginning?
S6: Detroit (xx) [S1: what? ] the automobile industr- or before that 
S1: no, what do i mean by the Industrial Revolution i mean that that's a fair question i could mean many different things.
S7: use machines. [S1: what? ] use machines for production. for (mass production.) 
S1: the use of machines for mass production yeah.
S8: didn't it start in Europe like in England or something?
S1: yeah. it's classically um, most classically identified with uh what would be <LAUGH> antebellum England. but really we'll talk about early nineteenth century England, is the beginning of what we would identify as, machine, generated, mass produced, [S7: assembly lines ] manufacturing. assembly lines the use of capital, particularly to invest in uh machinery and complicated manufacturing processes. okay. you start to see a greater dependence on machine labor than human labor. alright? uh, what i would like to do is then kind of bring these, historic trends down to a more local level and talk about four example cities and some things that were happening on the ground uh, in daily life there. and my first example is Philadelphia, in the seventeen-sixties uh just to give you an idea of ethnic diversity and to remind you about the also the context of slavery which we'll talk about uh on Wednesday. one-fifth of Philadelphia's population was enslaved in the seventeen-sixties... and at this time Philadelphia was not only the largest city in North America it was the largest city of all, the British colonies. it was the megapolis, as Ken Azure liked to talk about. <P :05> it had a population in seventeen-seventy of thirty-five thousand. which, doesn't sound like very much now right? what's the population of Ann Arbor?
S9: hundred twenty thousand. 
S1: anybody know? what?
S9: hund- hundred ten hundred twenty thousand.
S1: yeah, somewhere a hundred and teens i think. uh so it was one-third approximately one-third maybe even one-fourth the size of Ann Arbor but it was the largest city in British, in the British colonies. um <P :04> commerce grew uh quickly, once things started to be um centralized in uh, through Philadelphia particularly in iron and textiles, those were two areas of kind of American Industrial Revolution that kind of had their beginnings in Philadelphia. i mean textiles are obviously uh, important also in Massachusetts and New England, but uh Philadelphia they're important to the kind of explosive growth of Philadelphia. and there are two things that we sp- see especially clearly uh socially is a trend in stratification, that i talked about, uh in ph- Philadelphia they calculate, historians have calculated looking at uh economic uh figures that a male laborer you know someone who maybe uh laid bricks or um, uh plastered houses, dug ditches something like that a male laborer could not support a family. could not support uh say give house and and food to, uh a wife and children. it simply was not possible, in late eighteenth century Philadelphia. so as a result women and children uh were employed, they either worked jobs sold, g- goods on the street perhaps the woman took in some piece work, uh sewing to do. so at the lower levels, all members of the family were um involved in production or work of some kind, in some fashion. on the other hand you do see one of the other trends very clearly in Philadelphia, and that is that the elites of Philadelphia, as the elites of the larger_ largest and at this time most cosmopolitan, town in uh British, in the British colonies, really started to create a culture of their own. and to really start to to define what it meant to be an American elite. um, they did participate in um w- what Deetz starts to identify as kind of Anglophilia the love of all things English. <P :05> and remember this is where Georgian architecture comes from. and if you look at Philadelphia colonial townhouses are kind of a a miniature, squished <LAUGH> uh urban version of Georgian architecture. they're very symmetrical very clean, they have very simple, uh Greco-Roman elements to them. and this Georgian architecture is really an imitation um of, country houses of the aristocracy in uh eighteenth century England. but they get transformed in in Philadelphia t- to the those classic narrow, townhouses any- anyone know what i'm looking_ thinking of? been to Philadelphia? um <P :05> part of this Anglophilia also meant that the elites were uh really interested in imports coming, from, England, through the river system Philadelphia was a port city of sorts supported by its uh river port. and there colonial merchants doctors lawyers, uh tried to emulate British upper classes uh not only through their architecture but through concerts plays uh dance uh dress fashion. and they also filled their houses with fine furniture. however a- a- as much as they had pretensions, towards, emulating the British aristocracy they didn't really quite have the resources. particularly once you start importing, things that greatly increased the cost. you have to add transportation co- costs, as well as duties. so what they started to do was to um... to give, support to and to start ordering copies, of British type uh, elite, uh furniture in particular, to local American craftsmen. and they were known_ and as a result Philadelphia artisans became particularly known for producing uh magni- magnificent copies of works of Thomas Chippendale, which many of you might have heard about. uh Great Britain's most famous furniture designer and the the work the name Chippendale is so associated with uh, U-S artisans right now you may not, realize that, the original Chippendale was actually British. because now there is a, widespread um, American furniture style called American Chippendale. it has nothing to do with the dancers, <SS LAUGH> that i'm aware of. maybe there's some maybe if someone wants to research this and let me know, if there's any connection. uh but if you watch like the Antiques Road Show are something like that you'll they'll often talk about Chippendale style furniture. and trying to authenticate_ a lot of the authentification uh, goes back to identifying either British examples from the original Thomas Chippendale but more likely some well known, Philadelphia craftsmen, who uh were carriers of this Chippendale style. so this combined um with some folk elements in furniture design cuz the craftsmen who are producing it uh, you know weren't necessarily, uh coming out of this British tradition they may have been, uh in the colonies for uh a number of generations already and e- and eventually the style uh, much as the graves- gravestone styles that Deetz identified changed through a combination of urban, popular culture, and this would be an example of popular culture right? cuz it's being imported uh into an urban center and diffusing from there right? but in this case one thing that happened was that this popular, American Chippendale furniture, uh, design melded with some folk designs to become, identifiably American Chippendale. such that, you know connoisseurs can tell the difference with one look. whether it's a British Chippendale or an American Chippendale. does any- anyone know what i'm talking about in terms of the furniture? and what it looks like? yes? no? anyone want to describe what a classic_ like a Chippendale mirror there're lots of mirrors in particular (xx.)
S10: it's kinda_ it's still used for furniture (xx) but it's so, just, used because of the name that you don't really know what it originally looked like. it means_ in all furniture catalogs now like, every designer has something called Chippendale.
S1: yeah, i um, i can try to bring in some, uh books with pictures (xx) uh a classic Chippendale mirror might be an oval shaped gilded with uh a lot of, um, a lot of circular facets and then what's classically American Chippendale is you would put an eagle, at the top, an eagle design. and particularly after the revolution right? because the eagle was one of the, um symbolic representations of liberty. so that was one example of in in wh- in which this, originally British popular style got transformed into something American and became, quintessentially American. a lot of people identify this Chippendale furniture as, somehow very very very root American... alright moving on to my uh next example Williamsburg. Williamsburg was kind of a Southern capital city in in many ways uh it was made the capital of Virginia in sixteen ninety-nine. and in another kind of uh, fit of Anglophilia it was, renamed from it used to be called Middleburg it got renamed Williamsburg in the honor of William the Third of England, not that important but just a little trivia there. and it subsequently became a social and cultural c- center and it was especially notable for political debates uh held in the House of Burgesses there, uh preceding the American Revolution. in terms of_ if you think about the American Revolution and the kind of coalescence of political action and political life in America it it had three basic centers Williamsburg Philadelphia and in a more kind of chaotic state in Boston. i say chaotic because, it was more put on the streets, through popular movements in Boston. but in Philadelphia and Williamsburg, it was happening um, in the local colonial, representative, bodies. they were called it was called the House of Burgesses in Virginia. in Philadelphia i'm not sure it might have been called the Colonial Congress. um, and what's interesting about Williamsburg is that wh- who here's been to Williamsburg? know what i'm talking about? wow. you know this is like th- the second most, visited tourist site in all of the United States and only two of you have been there. after what? what's number one? 
SU-F: New York
S1: no. 
SU-M: New York 
S1: no. 
SU-M: L-A 
S1: Grand Canyon. it's the Grand Canyon Williamsburg, and then uh maybe Disneyland and New York. something like that. and you guys have never heard of Williamsburg? how many people_ i i really want to know this cuz_ how many people have never heard of Williamsburg? oh no one's gonna admit that much okay, you will. alright. what is what is colonial Williamsburg? what is it? 
S5: like a park [S7: isn't it like a resort of something? ] or like a [SU-F: they have ] tourist attraction?
S1: resort?
S5: where they have like
S1: what's it look like?
S11: re-enactments 
S5: don't they like have re-enactments (xx) 
SU-F: mhm 
S11: (xx)
S1: they what?
S11: they have like a l- it's like a town set up, [S1: mhm ] [S5: right ] right and you can go and walk through
S1: right. it's a reconstructed historic town and it's on, the original site of Williamsburg. and it's kind of frozen in time around the period of the revolution. and architecturally what's interesting about what's going on there is there is kind of um whereas in Philadelphia you see a real, kind of bifurcation in in styles and housing uh particularly the elites are getting these huge mansions in one part of town whereas uh, the laborer and people who work on the sh- um, in the shipyards are living in another part of town in these very dense tenements. in Williamsburg, everyone, has some little Georgian piece of architecture. and if you look at_ if you visit Williamsburg you'll kind of be struck because all of the buildings are reconstructed in Georgian style. i mean down to outhouses being in Georgian style having perfect symmetry. and, they do vary between um brick which will be the most_ like the Governor's Palace is made of brick. which would uh, really is kind of the divider between rich and poor is the difference between b- brick and wood. the vast majority of the structures in Williamsburg though are made out of wood or clapboard but, um even though in England there would be no such thing as a wooden Georgian structure in Williamsburg in order to let everyone kind of participate in this new style, uh there w- is a local style that developed of wooden very simple wooden Georgian architecture. um <P :05> one of the things uh, that happened to Williamsburg was after um seventeen-eighty after the revolution the capital of Virginia was moved to Richmond and the city, for all intents and purposes died completely. almost completely it was it just a tiny little village afterwards, but had some remarkable preservation of its colonial buildings which inspired uh, John D Rockefeller to invest in its reconstruction. and we'll see a little bit about that in a film we're gonna watch on Wednesday. one thing that is kind of um typical of the South, in particular is this_ you know i've painted this picture of this overall urbanization going on in late eighteenth century America. one exception is the South there're only a few places where cities really in this period_ where towns really were becoming cities. Williamsburg is kind of a great failure that way it had potential, but you took away its political capital and it had nothing there. it didn't off- it didn't have an economic engine to it. it was not a port. the political center was moved away uh before the Industrial Revolution, so there was no industry there. the exceptional cities, who whi- actually deserve the name are basically Charleston and New Orleans at this time. we'll talk about New Orleans next. <P :04> New Orleans um, obviously started off as a, town, an administrative center of the, French colonial the French colony of Louisiana. it was taken over by Spain though in seventeen sixty-five, because of some complicated wars and political maneuvers happening in Europe. it remained under the Spanish um, up until a couple years before the uh, um, the Louisiana Purchase that Jefferson, coordinated in and eight- that was finalized in eighteen-oh-five uhuh?
S12: what year did you say? that is was taken over by Spain.
S1: eight- uh seventeen sixty-five. the colony starts_ the French colony really starts around sixteen ninety-nine. there were a lot of French traders moving through the area before then but it kind of officially started in sixteen ninety-nine when the, there really starts to be a a French military presence in the region. the city is established_ and you don't need to know these dates but the city is established around um seventeen eighteen. remains under French control until seventeen sixty-five, then goes to the Spanish and remains under the Spanish for ano- another basically a couple generations until, the Louisiana Purchase of eighteen-oh-five. so basically it's under the Spanish during this time period i'm talking about, late eighteenth century. <P :05> and New Orleans was always an important port basically from its beginning for illicit uh trade uh between the, Caribbean colonies, going to Mexico, on up the Mississippi into Canada, for the French concerns as well as uh Spanish colonial concerns. and under the even under the Americans uh, a little later it became very important for the transport of uh Midwestern produce. New Orleans actually still the second largest port in the United States, because of that. because of the combination of ocean access as well as controlling the outlet of the Mississippi. so this was its real economic base. that was the first one and continues to be the most important one. however in this period in the, seventeen nineties, one interesting h- thing happened in the island called Saint Domingue anyone want to explain, that? anyone know what happened in Saint Domingue in the seventy nineties? [SU-F: (xx) ] Saint Domingue? well it's now known as Haiti. it was_ which is its revolutionary name. but i'm just saying Saint with the French, pronunciation. this is its French pre-revolutionary Saint Domingue. what happened in the seventeen nineties?
S13: slaves revolted and took over.
S1: yeah slaves revolted and took over, the entire island. and as a result there was an exodus of French elite, uh free people of color as well as um some slaves. and a large number of them ended up in New Orleans. and the economy of Sain- Saint Domingue uh was fueled by sugar. which was extremely profitable... it was a very valued um precious commodity in Europe. there are very few places that it would grow. it doesn't really grow m- much of anyplace in Europe. a few parts of Spain is about it. so when these people came to Louisiana in the seventeen nineties they had uh the know-how to produce sugar profitably. people had tried in Louisiana before but it really, it didn't take off. and as a result of, particularly the knowledge that uh imported slaves brought because they were really the ones who understood the day to day operations how to grow the cane, uh how it needs to be tended how to process it. it was their kind of technological know-how that created a kind of agricultural revolution in Louisiana that led it to be, um by the antebellum period the, basically the wealthiest slave state in the Union. and ironically it was as it was a direct result of the slave revolt in Haiti (xx.) it's one of those things about history. one of the things in terms of mater- other aspects of material culture in in this period that's really interesting is that_ if you've ever been to the French Quarter, you know what those buildings look like right? they're brick townhouses, [S9: balconies ] with lots of iron balconies, um, tall tall, uh interior walls and doors and windows. as well as some cottages and smaller styles. the cottages um, probably like the shotgun house were influenced by Haitian architecture. but also some French Caribbean styles. however a- the majority of the houses in the French Quarter aren't French at all. they're Spanish. the city burned down to the ground in seventeen eighty-eight and when it was rebuilt the Spanish decided they didn't want to go through that again so they established all these building codes that said that structures had to be of brick they had to have firewalls, they had to be so tall, they had to have tile roofs rather than, uh cypress shingle roofs.
S6: what year did it burn down?
S1: seventeen eighty-eight.
S14: what year was that church built in New Orleans i_ by_ i think it's the French Quarter right?
S1: yeah Saint Louis Cathedral? there was a church on that site from the beginning in seventeen eighteen, that structure that you see there is the third structure, um, [S14: just built on top of it or something ] built one right on top of the other. so that one dates to after the fire. (like) the seventeen nineties.
S4: what was the fire from?
S1: um, it was it suppose- the rumor is it was a, a candle in a kind of devotional corner of someone's house, that uh fell over_ i'm trying to remember what day it was. it was on a special day in the in the Catholic calendar and, someone just wasn't wasn't paying attention [S4: so it was actually accidental? ] yeah. [S4: oh ] so, but as a result what's really interesting is that the architecture of the quote unquote French Quarter which uh local residents will still interpret as French was actually Spanish through this one, you know kind of accident A the fire and B through building Spanish c- through the Spanish building codes. and so one of the things that's interesting that we might talk about a little later is how, the kind of cultural memory, of the physical environment jives or doesn't jive with what actually happened and i think this really gets um connects to in part the that first (Yench) article that we talked about last week. and how she was talking about the folk mythologies that build up about houses and what what's remembered is what the, contemporary community thinks is important but isn't necessarily based in historical, reality. and the French Quarter was another really good example. that it became really important for the community to remember its French heritage. it was not so important to remember the Spanish heritage. so as a result that kind of, that kind of, folk history, of French Quarter architecture has been really clouded over. another w- way it has is through um food. anyone know about jambalaya? what's j- what's jambalaya how do you make jambalaya?
S13: (xx) sausage (i mean i don't) 
S1: and rice yeah. and rice. yeah. there are African influences definitely in jambalaya but there wasn't any rice in Louisiana until the Spanish arrived. not a whole lot of it. and it looks a heck of a lot like paella, you know about the Spanish dish paella? it's indistinguishable except that Louisianans put a lotta hot sauce in in their paella. basically is paella. so that's another thing that's classically, kind of Louisiana material culture. it's a contribution from the Spanish but, that Spanish uh, heritage for whatever reason, that i'm still interested in figuring out myself i don't have a real clear answer has been forgotten, in uh folk collective folk memory.
S13: couldn't it just be because like, the Spanish were the ones that kinda took over. like if it had been the other way around wouldn't it have been called like the Spanish Quarter? like if the French had taken over?
S1: yeah i think part of it is that um there there was actually a revolution against the, uh Spanish when they tried to take over it, um it failed and a lot of people lost their heads over it. um, so there was some, animosity between the Spanish administrators and the French populace. but that after a generation or so actually calmed down and the Spanish were integrated into French Creole culture.
S6: not only that but just from the dates it was French for hu- almost a hundred years and only Spanish for forty.
S1: yeah, although, the city itself i was just talking about New Orleans really only starts in seventeen eighteen so it's about equal. (xx,) cuz it's seventeen eighteen to seventeen [S6: (okay) ] sixty-five seventeen sixty-five to eighteen-oh-five.
S6: so sixteen ninety-nine was
S1: sixteen ninety-nine was when the whole territory of Louisiana starts to be settled. [S6: oh ] the city [S6: okay ] doesn't get started until seventeen eighteen. and then it's just a little, hamlet of huts in the mud... um... the other thing about New Orleans architecture um and some changes that occurred there is that the French, you know we know about th- this architecture only archeologically cuz there are no_ th- there's one standing example that i excavated um but it is i disagree with architectural historians about how old the structure actually is. uh it's called Madam John's Legacy, if you're ever a tourist in New Orleans or wanna check it out it's in the French Quarter. if you go and look at it it gives you the clearest idea of, what houses in the French Colonial earlier period actually looked like and they're radically different from the Spanish architecture. but one thing that they incorporated um that, French architecture did not have and this was an example of an adaptation to the environment the colonists had to make was building the house basically around a courtyard, an open air, uh room was basically how they used it and what they called it. i mean if you imagine Louisiana has, t- you know temperatures in the nineties and ninety percent humidity for four or five months out of the year. you really just don't wanna be indoors. um there_ and the houses are built such to get as maximum ventilation that you can especially breezes coming off the river. when it's that hot even that doesn't help. so a lot of activities in the summer occurred outside. so one of the very um, uh quickest adaptations to the environment that occurred architecturally was to start using out- outdoor space in a different way. and, part of the idea of this just like we talked about the idea of porches coming from Africa, um the courtyard tradition may have also, um been an idea influenced by uh Louisiana's early African, um pioneers. <P :05> moving on to my final city example um, is New York. and you may be surprised to learn that it was the second city, o- of, late eighteenth century America. it was quite a bit smaller than Philadelphia in seventeen seventy it only had twenty-three thousand people. it's growth like New Orleans uh was also driven by river and ocean trade. it is (the big port.) and after the rev- revolution it really that's when it really started to grow and its great period of expansion though doesn't actually happen until later, uh after the Erie Canal goes in, in eighteen twenty-five, which connects it to the interior, uh markets of the Great Lakes area and Midwest and upper... upstate New York. <P :04> and it was only then that New York uh became a major center u- center of commodity exchange banking, marine insurance and manufacturing. basically a center of capitalism. <P :05> it was kind of the... it was the brain center the nervous uh, system center of the American Industrial Revolution. <P :05> immigrants uh particularly the Irish German Jewish and Italian begam uh began to arrive in large numbers in this early nineteenth century. i'm moving kind of quickly here since it wasn't much of a town to talk about in the, late eighteenth we're kind of looking forward to, uh some of the articles we'll talk about really dealing with the immigrant experience in the antebellum period. between eighteen twenty and eighteen forty the city's population more than doubled... and ten years later ten years later in eighteen fifty it had doubled again. a tremendous rate of growth. now in terms of an example of, material culture, what's really interesting to consider about New York at this time there're a lot of things and we'll be reading some articles uh that deal with really specific domestic space, uh in New York, in the mid-nineteenth century but one thing to consider is how the landscape of New York changed. basically it started off as, a kinda hodgepodge town slowly growing town were you just get people creating new streets and houses wherever they needed to go where the ground wasn't too marshy. that's it, so it had kind of a a fingery, funny disorganized, uh town layout. but around the time of the revolution, you start getting a real adaptation of town planning and grids. a gridded street system. being imposed in cities across uh, the colonies. this was happening in Europe a little earlier, uh but there didn't seem to really be a need for it uh, in America or a kind of cultural value attached to, uh a real well organized town plan until the Revolutionary era. it's what the architectural historian i've mentioned before Dell Upton what he calls the Republican, City. in terms of republican values. a well ordered um, cityscape influenced by the Enlightenment thinking that everything should be, clear and understandable and natural, everything in its place. and this is similar to the Georgian mindset it might be another extension of the Georgian mindset really the Georgian mindset is kind of a... British and American version of this Enlightenment, culture. generally that's coming out of Europe. an intellectual movement that's in Europe. so by, the eighteen twenties, in New York, one way that they were dealing with this influx of population was actually by tearing down parts of the town, and rebuilding, in a well-ordered grid. the streets intersecting at ninety degree angles. and part of what this allowed is it allowed you to assign different areas to the poor and the rich they were no longer living side by side cheek by jowl. there started to grow neighborhoods in New York with distinct, ethnic, and class, identities. people became uncomfortable, i- it didn't used to be a problem but people started to become uncomfortable living next to people of different colors ethnicities, different economic levels. not across the board, (xx) from a general trend where this the cityscape itself the landscape itself it starts to get stratified, and reflects that, general trend in strati- social stratification, uh h- started to accu- occur in the late eighteenth century. the other thing that's occurring is this kind of segregation of commercial and domestic space. where you don't, manufacture you don't shop, you don't, shod a horse, on the same street in which gentile people live. so there start to be commercial uh streets and neighborhoods divided off. and buildings themselves it used to be quite common, in the eighteenth century for, people to um middle class people to build a structure where the the lower part of the structure was for their business, whether they were a doctor a grocer a pharmacist, even a brewer, you could imagine it was quite some smells coming out of a brewery. and then the upstairs would be your family's residence. well that kind of, architecture really started to go by the wayside. at this time. <P :05> and this kind of um, reorganization of the urban landscape gradually took over other cities and to to the se- extent that when you started getting new Western cities built, um, like Cincinnati, they were built from the ground up on this grid system, and as a result evolved very differently. and very rapidly. it also really promoted rapid growth all you'd have to do is keep extending the grid lines. it's very easy to do. okay, that's it for my, spiel on, urbanization around the turn of the eighteenth century any questions? okay. last thing i wanna do before we turn to the readings, this shouldn't take too long is that i've realized that there's some... archeological vocabulary that's being thrown at you in these articles, that i expect might be going over your head but no one's, only one person's really emailed me saying that you don't understand X. and i would like to encourage you... to as we keep going through, some of these readings are are wriv- written for a general audience many of them are written for specialists in the field um so they're going to, assume a level of knowledge and comfort with uh archeological terminology that i don't expect you to have so i want you to email me and let me know when you come across terms or concepts that you don't know. but i've identified a few i'd like to go through. um one that keeps recurring, um, is actually some words invented in ei- in nineteen sixty-five by Lewis Binford um archeologist out of Michigan we talked about before, who really, uh is considered the, the daddy of uh, <LAUGH> perceptual archeology. and, he wrote an article in which he tried to really break down the different functions of artifacts if you're gonna take a functional analysis. have you guys, seen authors use this? technomic... sociotechnic and ideotechnic. Emily, do you remember (any of these?)
S3: no i don't <LAUGH> i don't know those.
S1: you guys come across these in the readings it's co- come up a couple of times. um, technomic it_ they're basically what they sound like. what he tried to do is to say that artifacts can, be classified into these three basic types of of functional categories. so technomic artifacts are uh tools that primarily uh function to cope with the physical environment. <P :04> [S8: (xx) ] and uhuh?
S8: i'm sorry could you repeat what you just said?
S1: sure. tools that function primarily to cope with the physical environment. <P :05> and they're variability, is largely ex- explicable, explainable, uh according to Binford, in ecological terms. in other words you can uh, you ought to be able to explain why uh, the Zizi culture, uses, uh flint spearheads whereas the Lulu culture uses only uh, granite uh... spears or something. does that make sense? they wouldn't use granite but anyway. that it should be explainable by the different ecological conditions, pertaining to those two cultures. alright. sociotechnic are artifacts that function primarily in the social system. pretty transparent. <P :07> they have a social function. ideotechnic, artifacts reflect, uh the most clearly the mental or cognitive component (xx.) and that's their main purpose. to communicate ideas. so some historical examples of these might be uh a technomic artifact might be a hunting rifle. it's primarily used as a tool, to deal with the environment. a sociotechnic might be a petticoat, used in women's dress it mainly has a social aspect I-E to, communicate femininity. it has some, we'll talk about this some technomic function too to keep you warm. but it, but since women continued to wear thick petticoats even in very hot weather, it had to have some more some other, function besides ecological. and an ideotechnic historic artifact might be a rosary. a set of rosary beads. mainly uh, communicates religious ideas has symbolic significance for its user. now the main problem as i kind of hinted already with this, typology is that you can have one artifact do all three things. anyone think of an example? 
S5: candles
S1: candles? you wanna_ that that actually was one used in the reading wasn't it? 
S5: yeah 
S1: yeah what did they say? who who was it that did that? i can't remember. [S5: (xx) (xx) ] was it Deetz? yeah [S5: (xx) ] i think it mighta been Deetz. the first Deetz reading. and what did he say? 
S5: um well it was technomic because you could use it to light your house. [S1: mhm ] and it was um_ i forget the soc- socio one (xx)
S1: candlelit dinner i think to create a r- 
S9: people gather around it 
S1: was that it?
S9: people gather around it. a social function 
S1: (mhm) to create an at- an atmosphere, either for romance or entertainment. mhm to s- to facilitate social, interactions. uhuh and what was the third?
S5: um like a church in a church (xx)
S1: mhm. like a prayer candle. signify a prayer. so these are useful things to think about but don't ever like with your using these ideas in your uh research projects, don't get in the habit of thinking that your artifact type only only, serves one function. it might actually be a really good challenge to think about, like a hunting rifle, wh- what i- i- its technomic aspect is quite clear but what can you do to identify its um sociotechnic and ideotechnic does it have those functions? what might they be? they may not be as obvious but there might be there. and that might be a good way to spur your analysis. okay other um simple, s- um, vocabulary much of which i expect you know some of this is vocabulary and some of this is so- li- like the toolkits of historical archeologists just to wanna make sure you understand. um stratigraphy i think we've talked about this... anyone wanna just define stratigraphy for me?
S3: like the layering of the, it's like the levels of an archeological site like, that which is below is older than that which is above.
S1: right. it's the layers in the ground. and, feature very generic sounding word that archeologists they use it a lot to mean something specific. or relatively specific. (that one?) [S3: (xx) ] mhm?
S6: isn't_ i think it's the man-made stuff. (xx) 
S1: mhm. yeah i- a man-made, uh change that you can read in the ground. <P :04> so, a strata layer itself is really a kind of feature. if it's a cultural strata. you can also have na- what's called natural strat- strata which is just geological they have no traces of human activity. right? so a layer in the ground that's a result of, trash depos- deposition or a living surface where people have been living for a long time and things have accumulated that's a kind of feature. a trash pit. this create a hole in the ground is a feature. a trench for a building foundation is a feature. if you have some of the foundation itself that's a feature. if you have a stain in the ground where you had a rotted piece of wood, from one of those earthfast buildings for example, that would be a feature... okay? um, context, a very generic, word but when archaeologists use context it can mean two things they either mean, it's excavation context what they call the archeological context which means where was an artifact found in rel- in the strata, in the layers of the ground? maybe there're different, strata. what was the context was it found in. was this um, sixteen seventy-six coin found in a nineteenth century level? is that its context? then what does that mean? other context is obviously, cultural context historical context. if this coin was found in a- in the archeological context of the nineteenth century layer, what does that mean culturally and historically? was it a, charm? was it an heirloom...? make sense? okay, these are more specific types of features midden. what's midden?
S3: like a trash pile or a trash-like pile. 
S1: yeah 
S3: corner of the cave or whatever where [S1: yeah ] there's trash.
S1: a trash deposit. it can a layer, it can be in a pit it can be in a pile it doesn't really matter. it means, a, archeological feature, that was gradually usually gradually, yeah it's midden it's gradual. a gradual accumulation of trash. as opposed to a trash deposit, which could have_ that's a more generic term it could have been done very quickly as in Deetz's, um, discoveries at Flowerdew of those huge, trash deposits that look like they happened in a weekend. okay but midden is a gradual accumulation. sheet refuse and also midden usually has the implication that there's a lot of organic material, food remains, biological remains, you know what that is. sheet refuse. this is more used in historic- midden's used prehistorically as well as historically. sheet refuse is a little more common for historical archeologists to talk about. it's a little more visible, historic (xx.) <P :05> there were some definitions in the reading anyone, wanna take a stab at it? mhm?
S15: mhm like, people would just kinda like throw their trash out instead of putting it in one specific place so it just kind of covered everything.
S1: yeah kind of a, a blanket distribution of accidental trash as opposed to intentional trash deposits which a midden would be. i guarantee you that wherever you live, un- unless your backyard or front yard has been, um, recently graded and filled in, that if you were to do a little archeological dig you would find, a button here a the tab of a c- Coke can there, maybe a few bones. not very dense but kind of scattered around accidentally dropped, you know on your way to taking the trash to the can the bottom fell out and some stuff fell down, things like that. that's sheet refuse. okay it's scattered around the yard. and it has to do with_ usually a yard it can be a living surface as well. it's very thin. but, particularly in cases where you're, where on a site that trash has been r- particularly in the historical area era or an urban context the trash has been moved offsite because it's, smelly, accumulates too much in a dense urban space, sheet refuse might be your only archeological context. uh other than architectural features. okay. um going on to the, kind of toolkits what about mean ceramic dating. we talked about these a little but i just, they're getting used so much in the articles i really want you to have a firm idea of what they're_ they mean. you don't need to know how to do it necessarily, just understand what they're talking about when people say well we've performed this kind of analysis on the ceramics. what does this mean?
S13: isn't that when you have um, you count how many pieces of which types of ceramics you have and then you can um, find out the percentages and compare that to (xx) different ceramics.
S1: mhm, right. [S13: (xx) ] exactly. yeah. you take a sherd count, you figure out where the peak is, and you average things out and you end up with a date that should be, the midpoint of occupation for whatever context you're analyzing. and usually you would perform this, if you were a good archeologist you would only perform this on one level at a time. one stratigraphic layer or one feature. sometimes they lump 'em altogether, which is okay if you have a short occupied s- si- site that's built up really quickly it's only been occupied for twenty years, you might get an accurate date. but if, your site's been occupied for two hundred years, and you try to do mean ceramic dating on it you you'll get a date that won't make a whole lotta sense. cuz as we go through time what happens with ceramics in general with material goods? thinking from the seventeenth century forward?
S6: turn to dust 
S1: what?
S6: they disintegrate (eventually) 
S1: right the older they are the less likely that they preserve, but also, for the later types from the Industrial Revolution forward from the eighteen twenties forward you get a huge, general increase in the number, of, ceramics and material goods that people have in their houses. so that if you average those numbers out you you're gonna get a falsely late date (just because const-) because people just had more stuff the later you go in time. so that's one caveat you really need to keep in mind. uh ceramic price indexing this is really important and we'll continue to re-reference this (xx,) when we get into class analysis. but it also came up in the readings for this week. what is this? how do you do it?
<P :07> 
S9: you know how much usually the, different kinds of pottery are worth, so you can tell kind of the economic status that, uh whoever occupied that site.
S1: right very similar to ce- to mean ceramic dating the way you apply it you need to apply it to a very discrete context. you take only the ceramics from, one level hopefully no more than about twenty years, about one, h- about a half a generation. and you, total all the sherd counts, put them into the different types creamware pu- pearlware porcelain whatever, and then you look up in these tables that are actually based on uh, on manufacturer's price guides you know, recommended retail what what do you call that?
S3: manufacturer's suggested retail price 
S1: yes. exactly. there were lists for those that the uh English potteries that were creating the majority of the ceramics uh put out in the uh eighteenth century and early nineteenth century. and so this archeologist found these lists buried in the archives and just said hey look, now we know how much people are paying for their goods. then you need to apply it in as careful a way as you do the mean ceramic dating cuz if you apply it to too, large a span, may not be_ you're not_ it makes no sense. and the way they they calculated it is they made creamware number one, it's worth one it's it's a- arbitrary it can be worth one penny one dollar it doesn't matter. but then everything's in relationship to, one, for that time period. does that make sense? okay so it's a way to figure out how you can compare sites how much people were paying for ceramics. how much money went into their ceramics. it may not tell you a whole lot about economic status if that wasn't an important, form of display, of economic status. do you understand what i'm saying?
S16: how much did ceramics cost um in comparison to maybe a, week's salary?
S1: that's a really good question. i mean you'd have to ask that question really specifically like say for one of those Philadelphia laborers. and you pin it down to an exact year. um, in one of the articles i believe it's the Yench article she talks about how laborers couldn't afford creamware, uh, in the_ when it was really at its peak amongst the elites. but twenty years later because it had become outmoded they could. make sense? [S16: mhm ] i would say for most of the time period prior to the um Civil War, most laborer class people could not afford, new, fashionable ceramics. they'd be purchasing used or at least outmoded styles. okay um, three more in situ... another term people i'm underlining cuz it's usually italicized this is Latin. they'll use this all the time and just assume you know what it means. (xx) Emily you wanna (xx?)
S3: (xx) where it's found, like without having it been disturbed like by the people that are excavating it or whatever. [S1: right ] so you can study it in situ like where it was found in the ground.
S1: okay. in place it means literally. so if it's_ so if you're studying a house foundation in situ, it means that as you've excavated you've revealed the house foundation and you're leaving it there you're not gonna, pull it up as you excavate. one thing you need to realize about excavations is that by and large archeologists, destroy what they're interested in studying as they go layer by layer. if i remove this twentieth century layer, and i might remove it with a trowel and and put it in a screen and and get all the dirt out pull out all the artifacts but once i've pulled it up, it's gone i can never look at it again. but if i find a, a brick foundation... here. i can either remove the bricks as i'm going, one layer at a time or i can leave it in situ. remember we talked about pedestaling that neat technique that Deetz talked about that's a way of leaving things in situ is leaving them in relationship to where they were found in the ground. alright and two more that you guys probably already know_ well we already talked about these but you might as well, make them clear. terminus post quem and terminus... anti quem what are they and what are some examples?
<P :07> 
S10: isn't termi- terminus post quem is just the last possible date that an artifact is used and anti quem is (xx) the earliest?
S1: well it's not necessarily rela- it's, an artifact telling you about the date of a context, of a feature of a strata. so, so you use an artifact to tell you one of these two things. so it would be an example of an artifact that can give me a terminus post quem date it gives you a date is what is does. meaning that literally terminus post quem means it has to have ended after this. what is the this? the context. the context, whatever that is archeologically, a layer a feature, a foundation, it has to be, older than this. anyone think of an example? 
SU-F: ceramics 
S1: mhm. and, more specifically or
S3: well you could like look at the style of ceramic and then, you would know the date that like the decade or whatever that that was, you know popular or whatever. 
S1: that it, or that it first_ what you wanna do for a terminus post quem is not look at popularity which is what you look at for mean ceramic dating you lis- look at the earliest time that it was created, [S3: oh ] when it first showed up on the scene when it was first manufactured. so, underneath this founda- foundation, i find a sherd of creamware, which is usually abbreviated C-C. creamware is really, w- the first record of it being manufactured is seventeen sixty-two. so that's buried directly beneath the r- the last, row of bricks of my foundation here. so what does that mean about tha- the structure for this foundation?
S3: it has to be later than seventeen sixty-two 
S1: yeah, it has to be later than seventeen sixty-two. it doesn't mean that the structure was built in seventeen sixty-two, it could have been built in nineteen twenty. but we at least know it doesn't go earlier than that. okay, so, terminus anti quem is a little less common. can you think of a a, a way in which when you get say that same sherd or a coin or something. where you would get an indication that, something had to, be before? in other words th- well_ use the example of the brick foundation. what could you find in association with the brick foundation that would give you a final ending that that this, say_ well i don't wanna put a date on it yet depending on what your example is but, that tells you that that building had to have been constructed before X date?
<P :09> 
S16: type of material that was no longer used or that you couldn't find anymore after that date?
S1: yeah, that's a possibility. you might want_ that that is a very good possibility um, say, bricks imported from England and say that you know that bricks were no lon- were never imported, in from England anymore after eighteen seventy. then you could say well, that h- that structure was probably_ now in this case you can't be as sure because, what happened with brick? 
SU-M: re-used 
S1: (it can) get re-used. so that one you you'd need some other thing. a- another a better example might be, see this (xx) here, this is actually, an asphalt, parking lot that when i went into the city records i found that it was, paved over in nineteen twenty. well that's kinda early for an asphalt parking lot let's say nineteen thirty... so i now have this wonderful dating, i'm being ironic here. i know that this structure was built sometime between seventeen sixty-two, and nineteen thirty when it was capped, and covered over by an asphalt parking lot. okay does that make sense? so that's why terminus anti quem is a little less common because you, you don't, it's not always clear, when something really ended because of re-use particularly (in Michigan.) (xx) take a break we'll come back um. let's come back in, a few minutes before a quarter till. right? everybody come a few minutes early (xx.) 
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